Hiranmay Karlekar  

It’s difficult to make out the actual intentions of Pakistani leaders given their long record of duplicitous speech and action in moving against Hafiz Saeed and his outfits

Many eyebrows were raised in skepticism when Pakistan's President, Mamnoon Hussain signed on February 12 an Ordinance bringing under the ambit of the country's Anti-Terrorism Act all individuals and organisations banned by the UN Security Council (UNSC). The Ordinance enabled the authorities to take actions like sealing of offices and freezing of bank accounts against the proscribed groups and individuals — including the 26/11 attack mastermind, Hafiz Saeed, and his spawns like the Lashkar-e-Tayyeba (LeT), Jamaat-ud-Dawah (JuD) and the Falah-I-Insaniyat Foundation (FiF).

Given the all-powerful Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) Directorate's umbilical links with the LeT and its front organisation, JuD, the strength of both, and their capacity for stirring up trouble, it was widely believed at the very outset that the Ordinance would not be acted upon. That, it is increasingly clear, is precisely what is going to happen. According to a media report on February 19, fearing that any such move could trigger a political crisis like the one that shook Pakistan in November last year, Prime Minister, Shahid Khaqan Abbasi has reversed his decision to take stern action against Hafiz Saeed and the organisations he heads.

From November 6 to November 27, 2017, protesters belonging to three fundamentalist, Islamist religious parties — Tehreek-i-Khatm-i-Nabuwwat, Tehreek-i-Labaik Ya Rasool Allah (TLY) and the Sunni Tehreek Pakistan (STP) — had brought life in Islamabad to a standstill by blocking the main entrance to the city to press their demand for the scrapping of the change-from “I swear” to “I declare”— in respect of the expression of absolute and unqualified faith in Mohammad being the final and last prophet, which candidates in elections has — and have — to swear. The change, featuring in the Election Act, 2017, which had replaced the earlier People's Representation Act, diluted the latter's anti-Ahmadiyya provisions. They also demanded the removal of the federal law Minister, who they asserted, should be held responsible for the change.

The Pakistani Army-brokered six-point agreement between the protesters and the federal Government, which ended the blockade, was followed by Hamid's resignation. It also provided for punishment to all those found responsible for the change, release of all protesters detained following an abortive crackdown by police and para-military personnel on November 25, 2017, punishment of all who might be found to have behind it, and the withdrawal of all cases against all TLY leaders and activists.

Simply put, it was a humiliating blow to the Pakistan's federal civilian Government which was shown up as being utterly powerless to act against entrenched fundamentalist Islamist groups and being at the mercy of the Army which, it was once again demonstrated, called the shots in Pakistan.

One can understand that Pakistan's Government would want to avoid having its nose rubbed on the ground again. The question, however, is whether it wants to act against Hafiz Saeed and his foundations or has no such intention and is citing the possibility of a repeat of November 2017, to explain its inaction.

The second question is whether it can act decisively against Hafiz Saeed and his outfits like the LeT, JuD and FiF, if it wants to. There is considerable scope for doubt. For one thing, former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and his brother, Shahbaz Sharif, who runs Punjab, have warm ties with Saeed and the Punjab Government has been allocating significant sums in its budget as assistance to JuD for its “humanitarian” work. Nor can one ignore the fact that whatever steps the Pakistani Government has taken against Saeed and his spawns, it is purely because of the United States' President Donald Trump's suspension of military aid amounting to a huge sum.It is difficult to make out the actual intention of Pakistani

leaders given their long record of duplicitous speech and action. Even, however, if it is a case of the spirit being willing but the sinews weak, the fact remains genuinely tough steps against the JuD, FiF and the LeT will continue to be elusive. The question is: What will the United States do now? Will the world again witness the familiar scenario of Washington huffing and puffing and threatening to stanch the flow of aid to Islamabad-and even suspending the release of funds for a while-only to be conned into opening the tap again?

(Hiranmay Karlekar is Consultant Editor, The Pioneer, and an author)

DISCLAIMER:

The views expressed in the Article above are Author’s personal views and kashmiribhatta.in is not responsible for the opinions expressed in the above article.

Courtesy: Daily Pioneer: 22 February 2018