Kashmir - The Realistic Approach

Bal Raj Madhok   

Conflicting reports about the situation in Jammu and and Kashmir State, particularly in regard to the Kashmiri speaking region-the Kashmir Valley- and the prevailing confusion in the minds of Indian politicians and policy-makers are baffling.

On the one hand, it is claimed and rightly so that the whole of Jammu and Kashmir State, including its three regions of Gilgit, Baltistan and Punjabi- speaking western belt-the so called Azad Kashmir," under Pak occupation since the Ceasefire of January 1, 1949 belongs to India and the only issue to be settled pertains to recovery of this Pak-occupied territory. On the other, there is continuous harping on the Simla Agreement which in effect accepted the division of the State on the basis of the Cease Fire line which was rechristened as the "Line of Actual Control ''.

Integration

According to available information, Mr. Z.A. Bhutto informally accepted this line of division but wanted some time to formalise it. It implied that Pakistan was free to integrate the territory under its occupation with the rest of Pakistan. He quickly followed it up by making Gilgit and Baltistan centrally administered areas of Pakistan and tightening its control "Azad Kashmir". But the Government of India which has both de jure and de facto control over the other three regions of the State-Kashmir valley, Ladakh and Jammu-has so far failed to integrate them fully with the rest of India.

Pakistan has gone back on the commitment of Mr. Bhutto and the Simla Agreement and has launched a proxy was with the help of its agents and foreign mercenaries to snatch Kashmir valley from India. But GOI continues to talk about more autonomy for its part of the State which nobody wants. The people of Jammu and Ladakh do not want any special status or more autonomy for their regions. They want to be fully integrated with the rest of India. Ladakhis want Union Territory status for Ladakh and Jammuites want Jammu to be made a full-fledged State of India like Himachal Pradesh. Jammu region is bigger than Himachal Pradesh in area and population and is economically more viable. People of Kashmir valley are divided about its future set-up.

Kashmiri Hindus, the original inhabitants of the valley, who were driven out of their homes and hearths in 1989-90 by Pak agents to pave the way for total Islamisation of the Kashmir valley like Pakistan, want a secure rehabilitation zone or homeland in the southern part of the Valley with Union Territory status. At the moment a large section of Muslims of Kashmir is for independence or secession to Pakistan. They have no interest in the special status under Article 370 of the Indian Constitution or any other status even with greater quantum of autonomy within the framework of the Indian Constitution.

People like Dr. Farooq Abdulah, who clamour for the pre-1953 status for Kashmir are basically opportunists and self-seekers. They have little following and lesser influence in the Valley. In the circumstances, any talk of more autonomy for the State under the temporary Article 370 of the Constitution is meaningless and is bound to prove counterproductive. It has no buyers. People of Jammu and Ladakh and the Kashmiri Hindus have made their position clear. They want to be just on par with their compatriots of other States of India and do not want any kind of special status or more autonomy.

Ground realities

So far as holding of elections is concerned, apart from the stand taken by different sections of Kashmiris, ground realities in the Valley rule out fair and free elections there. The local administration is thoroughly infiltrated by Pak agents and most of the civil servants in the Valley have made it clear that they will not cooperate for conducting elections there. The talk of disillusionment of Kashmir masses with Pakistan and militants is mere wishful thinking. Hold of mullahs and Aligarhi intellectuals and the civil servants on their minds together with the fear of militants' guns has made them pawns in the hands. of Pakistan. They know too well that "Azadi" or independence is no different from joining Pakistan because the Valley cannot remain independent even for a day. It will be occupied by Pakistan the moment Indian forces withdraw from there.

Therefore, there is little chance of elections being held there before July 18, 1995, when President's rule is to end. Realism demands amendment of the Constitution and further extension of President's rule there. Security and integrity of the country must have precedence over everything else. And what right has a government to talk about constitutional niceties which permit leaders of Hurriet, the apex body of all the secessionist groups in the Valley, to hobnob with the Pak Ambassador and Pak President for hours under its very nose in New Delhi?

The planks

Under these circumstance, the only realistic approach to the Kashmir issue must have the following planks:

1. While maintaining its legal claim on the whole State, India must concentrate its attention and energies on putting its own house-the territory under its de jure and de facto order.

2. Immediate steps should be taken to delink Jammu and Ladakh from Kashmir Valley administratively and regional councils for them should be constituted.

3. Elections to local bodies and regional councils for Jammu and Ladakh can be held at any time. Political process should begin there forthwith.

4. As regards Kashmir Valley, the first thing that needs to be done is to accept in principle the demand of Kashmiri Hindus for a secure homeland or rehabilitation zone with Union Territory status in southern part of the Valley. It will have a salutary effect on the minds of Kashmiri Muslims as well.

A new set-up with greater quantum of autonomy unrelated to Article 370, which has become totally irrelevant, but within the framework of the Indian Constitution can and should be worked out after normalcy has been restored in the Valley.

5. There is no chance of normalcy being restored in the Valley without doing the following things:

(a) A clear and unequivocal declaration that there can be no talk with those who question the accession of the State to India and want secession or independence. They can quit Kashmir if they do not want to live as citizens of India.

(b) Free-hand must be given to armed forces to handle the secessionists and pro-Pak elements. India must learn something in this matter from Russia. Unlike Kashmir Valley which has been historically, geographically and culturally a part of India all through the ages, Chechnya was conquered by Russian armed forces in 1830. It has been a part of the Russian federation since then. The Russian government came down on Chechnyan secessionists with a heavy hand. According to well-informed sources, about one lakh civilians have been killed and the secessionist movement has been crushed. No country of the world raised even a little finger against Russia nor anybody raised the question of human rights there. The Russian government shut the mouth of American leaders by reminding them of the war that the waged against its own southern States when they wanted to secede from it in 1861-62. What stands in the way of Indian leadership pursuing similar policy against secessio- nists of Kashmir Valley?

Security belt

(c) Punjabi-speaking Uri-Titwala belt which divides Kashmir Valley from POK must be made a security belt under the direct control of the Centre. The Punjabi and Pahari-speaking people of this belt have no love for Kashmiris. I know it on the basis of personal knowledge and experience that they want Uri-Titwala to be delinked from Kashmir Valley and brought under Central rule.

We have wasted much time and resources in pursuit of a wrong and unrealistic policy in regard to Kashmir. But it is never too late to learn and mend. It is the duty of all nationalists and patriotic people and opinion-makers of India to educate and mobilise public opinion in support of a realistic approach on the lines suggested above.

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Courtesy: Bal Raj Madhok and June 1995, Kosher Samachar