Time To Act In Kashmir

                            Vijay Kumar Sazawal        

THE readers who think this article may be yet another appeal to the Government to issue one more White Paper on Kashmir will be disappointed. The ume has come to take a realistic view of the situation in Kashmir and the events unfolding in the world, and determine what actions the Kashmiri Pandits (KPS) must take to control their destiny in the future.

Background

Politically, the Kashmir situation is unique, even though logistically it is viewed as a problem no different than in Punjab and Assam. Even the Shimla Agreement recognizes that the "Final Settlement"" of J&K will be followed in future discussions with Pakistan. Therefore, for any political solution to be viable, that fact must be taken into consideration. At the next tier are the UN resolutions and the historical perspective which has kept Kashmir in the world headlines constantly. The community's worst offence will be to believe the propaganda material dished out by various political parties who would like to solve real problems by demagoguery and wishful thinking

Historically speaking, for the KPs, the problem of survival did not surface in 1990 or 1947, but in the 1300's when Islam arrived in Kashmir. For those who believe that Islamic fundamentalism is a new phenomenon should remind themselves of the time in mid-1400's when only eleven KP families were left in the valley. The point to be made is that KPS have rebounded times and again, and can do so in the future, provided a balance is maintained between competing interests that pull the KPs from various directions.

Situation in Kashmir and Elsewhere

Today the situation in Kashmir is a quagmire for India. It is unrealistic to believe that the

Central Government can get back the control in Kashmir without Martial Law, and imposition of military rule is practically impossible given the international dimensions to the Kashmir issue. So far the Central Government has displayed a callous attitude towards the KPs, exemplified by the failure to protect citizenry in the valley, by claiming that properties left by KPS are fully protected (statement in the Parliament on July 26, 1991), by bending rules for well connected hostages (Doraiswamy vs Khera), by the lack of rehabilitation, and by calling the displaced KPs as migrants.

The break-up of the Soviet Union cannot but only magnify India's problems. The events in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe prove the inherent instability of multi-ethnic and multi-linguistic States. There is a general affirmation that military action cannot solve political problems, and without a strict dictatorship, Centre-State relationships can neither be dictated nor imposed. Compounding the already grave situation is the possibility of new alignments in the Islamic republics like Azerbaijan, Tadzhikistan and Uzbekistan with Pakistan and Iran. India can choose to ignore these events, but it will not be without cost to its economy, its reputation, and eventually its survival. However, even if the State was put under the military rule and Kashmir was secured for the Union, how will that help the displaced KPs?

That, in fact, is the crux of the issue. Indian interests in Kashmir are not contiguous to the KP interests, whereas the vice versa is very true. That is why KPs have been largely ignored by the Central Government and the national political parties. The initiative to pull out of the current stalemate must come from the KPS themselves.

Two Options for the Future KPs who have fled the valley in the last two years have basically two options to follow-resettle away from the valley or return to it. Certainly those from well-to-do families with homes and investments in Jammu, Delhi and elsewhere probably have already made this decision. Those from the inner city ghettos and from villages (who are typically poor and uneducated), the flight has been a journey from paradise to hell. These people need assistance in resettlement, if they choose to settle down outside the valley, or have the opportunity to return to the valley, with safety and dignity, if they choose to go back. At the first glance the option to return is impossible, even ludicrous. However, the most recent estimate of about 500 KP households being still in Srinagar, even in these impossible times, is a testimonial to their resilience and tenacity. More importantly, it underlines the historical fact that the dream of living and dying in the valley has been a strong motivator for the KPS to hold on to the valley in spite of the harsh social and political conditions in the last 600 years.

The option to resettle the KPS along the National Highway between Udampur and Batote, as advocated by some, is not only logistically difficult, but also doomed to failure. The KP enclave in Udhampur will have no ties with to the valley, its temples and cultural sites that go back to 3000 years. People should not forget that the valley was born by Divine intervention and not out of commercial necessity. Even if the people were amenable to resettlement in an obviously inhospitable area, it is not clear how they will raise their families, what careers they will pursue, and what education they will impart to their children.

How Displaced KPS Can be Helped

The KPS (particularly the leaders) must approach the settlement issue in a global way, ensuring that no statements are made, or action taken, that impair the chances of resettlement away from the valley or return to the valley. Some pronouncements are beneficial for both the options and can be safely pursued cessation of terrorism, isolation of Pakistan as a sponsor of terrorism, curb in the rise of Islamic fundamentalism, and applicability of the Shimla Agreement over the UN resolutions.

OR those who want to resettle away from the FOR valley, the leadership must work with Government agencies to assist in rehabilitation, including acquisition of land and low interest housing loans, job assistance, and fair compensation for the properties lost in Kashmir. People who choose resettlement away from the valley must do so without ambiguity. A semi-permanent settlement request is neither appropriate, nor helpful to the rest. The effective approach in such cases would be to minimise antagonising the Central Government, and the leadership has to take a non-partisan approach to bring about the desired changes. In other words, personal politics should be kept out of the way. More important are covert actions, rather than overt actions, that will yield the greatest benefit. Such actions should be pursued by the KPS with strong connections in the federal bureaucracy. Not to put blame on anybody, but it is obvious that the established and well connected KPs in Delhi and elsewhere have not responded above and beyond the call of duty so far. Those who take pride in their KP ancestry must rise to the occasion and work their magic as they did when they were in the "Kitchen Cabinet '', Prime Minister's Office (PMO) or the ICS/IAS cadre. Their role model should be the Jewish community around the world, who have no plans whatsoever to settle in Israel, and yet go out of the way to assist their ethnic community both covertly and overtly. Like the well off Jews, well connected KPs should not seek leadership roles in the community but serve as key workers, doing what he or she alone can do the best. Without the strong effort and commitment to volunteerism and singular dedication to help their community, nothing can be achieved. These magic workers are essential to the success of the resettlement effort.

Return to the Valley

The other option, return to the valley, is not only more difficult to accomplish, but also an essential one. In the cultural mosaic of the sub- continent, each ethnic/linguistic/religious entity has an ancestral home. For better or worse, that home for the KPS is in Kashmir. Before the KPS become the Mohajirs at Jammu or elsewhere, it is important that they have a place to get back to their roots.

First and foremost, no success is possible if the Central leadership continues to rely on the same coterie of discredited leaders from the valley that brought the current upheaval in the first place! Secondly, the KPS do not figure in any important negotiations. A reflection of this fact was reinforced by India Today when it arranged a discussion on the Kashmir problem (Crossfire, August 11, 1991) where every entity from the valley, except the KPS, and key Indian politicians were represented. The KPs have to analyse the situation with cool minds and pursue the most promising approaches.

Unfortunately, the people most likely to return to the valley are neither well connected nor financially strong. Some are not well educated either. Such people will wither in the vastness of India and die a thousand deaths, Many will succumb to poverty levels that will keep them destitute for generations to come. The KP leadership must take up their cause to prevent a tragedy of colossal proportions. Even they could deal directly with the Kashmiri Muslims. The very essence of Kashmiriyat-where Hindus practised religion as way of life, and the Muslims

as converts followed largely Hindu customs rather than the Shariat-is down but not dead. It can be restored, given zeal, time and compromise.

People sometimes confuse sympathisers with the activists, and one is usually unwilling to look beyond the obvious. From a historical perspective Kashmiri Muslims, though Islamic in outlook, are neither serious about pro-Pakistani stance nor communal in their everyday ordinary life. Their political views are radical, in that they always tend to go against the establishment. Looking back at the 650 years of Muslim rule in India, it comes as no surprise that Kashmiri Muslims did not join the mainstream of the Indian Muslim culture, when such affiliation would have given them substantial rewards and recognition.

Anyway a dialogue is necessary, if only out of necessity, with moderate Kashmiri Muslims who also believe in resolving the problem politically by peaceful means. All said and done, this group needs KPs as much as KPS need them. It will provide a restraining influence on their strategy, but more important, it will make their movement truly nationalistic. By negotiating with such groups, Kashmiri Muslim populace can be made aware of the dangers in associating with Pakistan, of the way that Pakistan's Ministry of Kashmir Affairs (which runs so-called Azad Kashmir) has been taken over by the Punjabi Muslims who look down on Kashmiri Muslims with utter contempt, and how Pakistan has plundered the so-called Azad Kashmir resources (even power from the Mangla Dam is routed elsewhere). There is every reason to believe that a group of moderate Kashmiri Muslims, if dealt with fairly, can credibly denounce Pakistan's involvement in Kashmir and bring down its macho image in the minds of the young Kashmiri zealots. For a successful outcome, moderate Muslims must take responsibility for bringing trerrorism and Islamic fundamentalism under control, and follow through on eradicating the twin scourges from the valley.

For those who want to resettle away from the valley, the leadership must work with the Government agencies to assist in rehabilitation, including acquisition of land and low interest housing loans, job assistance, and fair compensation for the properties lost in Kashmir.

Article 370

Most KPs tend to be negative to Article 370 for a good reason. They perceive the Article to be the cause of Kashmir's isolation and the rampant corruption in the valley. Article 370 indeed recognizes Kashmir's special status in the Union, but it evolved in a constitutional manner from the Instrument of Accession, signed in 1947, its endorsement in the State Constituent Assembly in 1951. The belief that this Article has prevented full integration of the State in the Union and encouraged the separatists is a simplistic view of the situation that has been proven wrong by the events in Punjab and Assam, where there are no such laws applicable.

In so far as corruption in the State is concerned, it is not Article 370, but the slow erosion of the Instrument of Accession, that is the real culprit. Over the years, as the power brokers in Delhi schemed about ways to mitigate the various clauses within the Instrument of Accession, they took a benevolent attitude towards the Kashmiri politicians who gave in to the Centre's wishes. Consequently, the more readily the Kashmiri politicians obeyed the commands from the Centre, the greater authority they received to usurp the democratic and judicial institutions within the valley to their benefit. As a result, the corrupt thrived, the Centre got its wishes, and the common people in the valley suffered. This is British Raj, circa 1990.

If there is a single major reason for the morass in the valley today, it is not Article 370, but the total lack of democratic institutions and disregard of the judicial process in the valley. The State has been turned into a fiefdom by powerful interest groups with the encouragement of the Centre. Who knows, but had the Muslim United Front (MUF) candidates been allowed to win during the 1987 elections, when they were amenable to play by the rules of the Indian Constitution, the situation today would be entirely different. Many consider that election to be the turning point in Kashmir, when popular candidates lost faith in the electoral process and opted for the gun

Concluding Remarks

Kashmir policy is at cross-roads today. The policy adopted by the Central Government is not working. and is unlikely to change in the near future. Worse, the policy advocated by hard-liners will only embarrass the country without producing the desired results. Meanwhile, the dispaced KPs are losing faith in their abilities to turn the situation to the better. For the KP leadership this is a testing time. The political events around the world necessitate new initiatives so that the chances of political solution are not lost forever. The KPS should develop an innovative agenda that is focused towards the long- term goals. For the key objectives (resettlement and return) to be successful, each goal should be treated as mutually exclusive allowing dedicated organisations to focus on one or the other. Assistance to the KPS who wish to resettle away from the valley, and do not have the resources to do so, can only come with the consent of the Centre. Hence the organisation responsible for achieving this objective should consist of well connected KPs who, through covert rather than overt actions, must break down the bureaucratic barriers to assist their less fortunate brethren. Distinguished members of the community, who have served or are serving in the Government, must come to the forefront now, rather than wait for someone else to act.

Assistance to the KPS who wish to return to the valley is far more troubling because they will continue to suffer until it is safe for them to return. This can be done in the State by allowing ordinary citizens to recultivate their old relationships and lay the ground work for formal talks subsequently. At the Centre, there is already a debate underway on initiating a dialogue with JKLF/MUF leaders in the Tihar Jail, and KPS must find entry to such discussions by facilitating such a process. Any procrastination on this issue will have serious repercussions down the road if the KPS are sidelined completely. Overseas KPS, especially those in the U.S.A. and U,K. can also initiate such dialogue with overseas Kashmiri Muslims, but it is necessary that such an action be sanctioned by the community under a unified agenda. Organisations like All India Kashmiri Samaj (AIKS) has to come out with quick decisions on this issue.

 

There must be a realisation that there is no single solution or simple solutions. Sometimes contradictory positions have to be taken to realise the ultimate goal. There is an urgency to establish a visionary agenda, assign responsibility and take action. It is Now or Never.

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Courtesy:- Vijay Kumar Sazawal and 1991 December Koshur Samachar