INTRODUCTION

 INTRODUCTION

The history and culture of Jammu and Kashmir were part of the pan-Indian civilization. It was partly due to geography, the Himalayas and the Western and Eastern ranges separating it from rest of the world, and partly due to the Brahmanical culture, with Sanskrit as the lingua franca, which gave it a unity in the eyes of the upper strata of society. For centuries, Kashmir remained free from racism, communalism and casteism even during the communal structure of Dogra Raj. The National Movement against the feudal exploitation, led by Sheikh Abdullah, which was started in 1930 and continued upto 1947 was the result of the growth of national consciousness in Jammu and Kashmir. Various national leaders of India, including Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad recognized the democratic and nationalist spirit of this struggle. But British imperialists and the Hindu press tried to interpret and project it as a "result of the dispute between the Hindus and the Muslims". Inspites, this anti-feudal movement was participated by a broad section of peasants and artisans who came out to fight in the streets. This insurgency of 1931 awakened the national aspirations of the Kashmiris. Which ultimately helped in the emergences of a composite Kashmiri culture without any emphasis on Muslim sectarianism. By 1939, every conscious member of Hindu, Muslim and Sikh commu­nity joined the national movement. The anti-feudal and anti-imperialist struggle reached another high pitch in 1946. The AJKNC launched the "Quit Kashmir" movement and submitted a memorandum to the Cabinet Mission of 1946 demanding

XIV absolute right to freedom from the autocratic rule of the Dogra house. The movement was to counter the threat of Muslim communalism that was spread in the wake of Pakistan move­ment of Muslim League. It also salvaged the tradition of secular nationalism in Kashmir. Launching this struggle for a decisive victory, Sheikh Abdullah, on i5 May 1946, reiterated at Srinagar that "the demand that the princely order should quit the state is a logical extension of the policy of "Quit India". When the freedom movement demands complete withdrawal of British power, logically enough the stooges of British imperia­lism should also go and restore sovereignty to its real owners, the people ... the rulers of Indian states*have always played traitors to the cause of Indian freedom. A revolution upturned the mighty Tsars and the French Revolution made short work of the ruling class of France. The time has come to tear up the treaty of Amritsar, and quit Kashmir. Sovereignty is not the birth right of Maharaja Hari Singh. Quit Kashmir is not a question of revolt. It is a matter of right". The Sheikh was arrested on the charge of sedition against the Maharaja. Following his arrest the whole valley rose in an uprising. On 19 June 1947 Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Aruna Asaf All', Dewan Cbaman Lai and Tilak Raj Chadha went to Srinagar to defend Sheikh Abdullah at his trial but were arrested by the Maharaja's administration. On his return to Delhi, Nehru complained to Gandhi and Maulana Azad, the Congress President, that people in Kashmir were under the reign of terror. Mahatma Gandhi visited Kashmir in August 1947 as a guest of the National Conference.

The 'Quit Kashmir' movement kept the Muslim commu-nalism in Kashmir at bay. Immediately after independence and-the creation of Pakistan Jinnah decided to wrest Kashmir by force and sent raiders for this purpose. The Maharaja of Kashmir fled. Jawaharlai Nehru decided to send troops to-rescue Kashmir on the request of the Maharaja on 24 October 1947. It was done after Kashmir had legally acceded to India. On 26 October 1947 Sheikh Abdullah also formed a peace brigade and the peoples* militia to defeat the aggression of Pakistan in the valley of Kashmir. Sheikh Abdullah, the doyen-

XV of nationalism, succeeded in restorting Hindu-Muslim harmony in the valley when the rest of India was burning by communal holocast. There was a good rapport between Sheikh Abdullah, Mahatma Gandhi and Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. Congress demanded the release of Sheikh Abdullah, and the establishment of a popular government in Jammu and Kashmir. The National Conference favoured accession of India without an instrument of accession.

Pakistan reacted sharply and contested1 the validity of the accession. India took the Kashmir question to the Security Council of the United Nations in January 1948 (S/628). Pakistan made a counter complaint (S/646) but admitted that some tribesmen from Pakistan might be helping the "Az

The Security Council then appointed mediators. In 1949 General McNaughton of Canada was appointed as a mediator whose proposal was rejected by India. Sir Owen Dixon of Australia also could not succeed because he proposed the parti­tion of Kashmir between both the countries rather than a plebiscite (S/1791). Frank P. Graham of the USA was the third mediator appointed in April 1951 who also met with the same fate, however, he suggested a direct negotiation between India and Pakistan. He submitted five reports (S/2375, S/2448, S/261I, S/2783 and S/2967).

XVI In July-August 1953 and in May 1955 the Prime Ministers of both India and Pakistan started a negotiated settlement which ultimately failed. After a gap of five years the Pakistan Foreign Minister F.K. Noon raised the Kashmir issue in the UN Security Council and call upon India to refrain from accepting any change in the new constitution of Kashmir—the State of Jammu and Kashmir is and shall bean integral part of the Union of India—and to accept a plebiscite (SCOR, 12th Yr., Mtg. 761). Mr. V.K. Krishna Menon, the Indian representative informed the Council that the conditions for holding a plebiscite changed in Kashmir. (SCOR, 12th Yr. Mtgs. 762, 793 and 794). The Security Council favoured plebiscite by adopting a resolution (S/3739) on 24 January 1957. On 21 February 1957 President Gunnar Jarring of Sweden was asked to act as mediator but India refused to accept him for the implementa­tion of the UNCIP resolution, (S/3821).

1. the National Conference demanded special status and autonomy for Kashmir in the political—consti­tutional framework of Indian political system. Article 370 of the Indian Constitution granted Kashmir a special position. It produced a hostile backlash among the Hindi-Hindu fanatics including Sardar Palel and Hindu lobby which demanded conformity of minority to Hindu majority views as well as /•uniformity by force. In Kashmir this Hindu lobby started a non-cooperation movement against the government led by Sheikh. It was supported by the Jana Sangh, the Hindu Mahasabha, the RSS and even by the Akali Leader Master Tara Singh and Mr. S.P. Mookerjee. They criticised Nehru's appeasement policy towards Kashmir. Mr. Mookerjee called this policy a "national liability". This non-cooperation was also supported by Jayaprakash Narayan and Acharya Kripalani. This fanning of the flame of Hindu communalism—especially, in Delhi, Uttar Pradesh and Punjab—resulted in the ambivalence in Sheikh's position about accession to India. Nehru succumbed to these reactionary elements ultimately. Sheikh Abdullah now came to the conclusion that "there was no middle course between full integration aad full autonomy, and as the majority

XVII in Kashmir would not accept the first alternative, there was no-choice but to accept the second."

Finally on midnight of 8-9 August 1953, the popularly-elected leader of Kashmir was dismissed and imprisoned in a most undemocratic and unceremonious fashion by violating the-special provisions made in the Article 370 of the Constitution.

On 2 December 1957 Security Council passed a resolution-S/3922 after considering the Jarring report and directed P. Graham to make recommendations (S/3934) to the parties for facilitating a peaceful settlement and for the presentation of the resolutions of the UNCIP of 13 August 1948 and 5 January 1949. The Graham report was rejected by India.

During Ayub Khan's regime, Nehru-Ayub talks were fenced off in 1959 and 1960. On 6 October 1960 President Ayub Khan threatened military settlement of the Kashmir Problems. Threats and counter-threats continued till Chinese aggression on India in October 1962. Besides Pakistani slogan of Jehad, President Ayub Khan put pressure on the USA to exercise its influence for the settlement of the Kashmir issue. The matter was again raised in the Security Council on 1 February 1962 by Pakistan Permanent Representative Zafrullah Khan who asked the Council to take up the consideration of the dispute and to secure to the Kashmiri people their right of self-determination (SCOR, 17 Yr. Mfg. 990). In the subsequent meetings of the-Security Council (Mtgs. 1007 to 1016) Mr. Zafrullah Khan put forward his arguments in support of Pakistan's claim over Kashmir, Mr. C.S. Jha, India's permanent representative to the UN and Defence Minister Krishna Menon contested the Pakistani contentions (SCOR, Mtg. nos. 1009, 1011 and 1016> and reiterated India's claim over the state. Pakistani contention was supported by the U.S. representative and Indian position-by the Soviet and Rumanian representatives. US and British representatives on 27 April 1962 tried to persuade the UN Secretary General U Thant to negotiate a settlement. The issue was again raised by Mr. Plimpton, US representative, on 21 June 1962 and on 22 June 1962 when he succeeded in pur-suading the Irish representative to introduce draft resolution which was vetoed out by the Soviet Union (SCOR, 17 Yr. Mtg.

XVIII (1016). Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru expressed deep concern over the attitude of Great Powers—the U.S.A. and the U.K. After the Chinese invasion on India both Nehru and Ayub agreed for a negotiated settlement. Six rounds of Bhutto— Swaran Singh talks were held between 27 December 1962 and 16 May 1963. The talks failed on the question of distribution of areas.

The disturbances in Kashmir on the disappearance of the hair of prophet Mohammad from the Hazratbal shrine on the night of 26-27 December 1963 gave Pakistan an opportunity to raise the Kashmir question in the Security Council. Though the hair was recovered, Pakistan's Minister of External *ffairs, Z.A. Bhutto sent a letter to the Security Council for an urgent meeting (S/5516) to debate on the grave situation of the State. Mr. Bhutto asked for a "move towards an honourable and joint solution" of the problem in Security Council's meetings held between 7 February to 11 May 1964 (Mtgs. Nos. 1087,1089, 1104, 1112 and 1114). Refuting the charges Mr. M.C. Chagla and Mr. B.N. Chakraverti described (he incident as "purely a domestic matter". (Mtg. nos. 1088, 1104, 1113 and 1115). Though Mr. Roger Seydoux, President of the Council submitted his statement on 18 May 1964 nothing tangible came out of the debate. (SCOR, Mtg. no. II17).

The Indian government released Sheikh Abdullah on 8 April 3964 withdrawing all charges against him. He was sent to Pakistan to resolve the issue but the sudden death of Nehru on 27 May 1964 dashed all hopes. The Ayub-Shastri meeting on 12 October 1964 at Karachi and J.P. Narayan's visit to Pakistan brought no change in the attitude of both the countries. Meanwhile Sheikh Abdullah was again arrested on 8 May 1965 on charges of anti-India propaganda. Sino-Pak unison persuaded Pakistan to send armed infiltration into the valley from 6 August 1965. India reacted against this attack, especially in the Chhamb. The war was stopped on 22 September. The Tashkent Declaration, signed on 10 January 1966 restored the status quo in Jammu and Kashmir as it existed before 5 August 3965. The Pakistan Foreign Secretary Ahmed and later on 14 January 1966 President Ayub Khan declared that peace could

XIX not be achieved unless the dispute over Jammu and Kashmir was settled honourably and equitably. Bhutto also blamed India for creating the problem. Talking to the British Prime Minister Harold Wilson on 23 November 1966 Pakistani President Ayub Khan said that people of Kashmir "did not like Indian rule" and added that India did not honour the commitment under the Tashkent Declaration. Not only this while speaking before the UN General Assembly meeting on 29 September 1966 Pakistan Foreign Minister, Sharifuddin Pirzada accused India for not honouring the UNCIP resolution of 13 August 1948 and 5 January 1949 about holding of a free and impartial plebiscite (GAOR, Pen. Mtg. 1423). He also tried to raise this issue in the Commonwealth Prime Minister's meeting held in London on 13 September 1966. He charged the Indian government with reluctance to allow the Kashmiri people to exercise the right of self-determination. Even Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi gave a statement in Lok Sabha that "India is not obliged by the Tashkent Declaration to settle the Kashmir dispute with Pakistan". The Pakistan government started anti-India propaganda. Ayub Khan described Indian army as a "special danger to Pakistan". He stressed on the solution of the Kashmir problem. On 10 October 1967 Pakistani Foreign Minister Mr, S. Pirzada raised a question in the UN General Assembly meeting (GAOR, Pin. Mt. 1584) and demanded "self-determination" for the people of Kashmir, to which India was committed. Similar demands were made by Arshad Hussain, the new foreign minister of Pakistan in the UN General Assembly meeting (GAOR. PI. Mtg. 1682) and Pakistan's National Affairs Minister Nawabzada Muhammad Sher Ali Khan (GAOR, Plan. Mtg. 1775) on October 2, J969. Pakistani Home Minister Sardar Hamid accused India for avoiding discussions in the United Nations (GAOR, Pin. Mtg. 3853) on 29 September 1970. Meanwhile, Pakistani press, especially Pakistan Times and Dawn, made vehement propaganda against India. "That India is suppressing freedom of the press in occupied Kashmir and adopting ruthless measures in curbing the students and youth". Kashmiris' are treated as second class citizens. Pakistan supported the terrorists in Kashmir.

XX A hand grenade was thrown on the Kashmir Chief Minister, G.M. Sadiq on 16 May 1966. Terrorists confessed that they were imparted training by Pakistani officers. The subversive activities of the Pakistani infiltrators continued till date. The cease-fire violations took place frequently. Both India and Pakistan accused each other of a cease-fire agreement. In short Kashmir remained fully disturbed between 1966 and 1969.

Pakistan protested strongly against India's measures to extend the application of Indian laws to Kashmir and described these as contrary to the UNCIP and other resolutions of the United Nations. These bills, according to Pakistan, would give sweeping powers to the Indian Government tg outlaw any organisation or any individual found guilty of questioning India's sovereignty over any of the territories.

On 11 January 1968 Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi and Deputy Prime Minister, M^rarji Desai desired to normalise relations with Pakistan by implementation of the Tashkent Agree­ment but Pakistan did not respond favourably. Pakistan was insisting on "meaningful discussions on Kashmir''. India's appeal to Pakistan for 'no-war pact' was turned down by Ayub Khan who described this proposal as "misleading" unless the Kashmir dispute was solved. During this time Sheikh Abdullah and Mirza Afzal Beg were released from Jail on 3 January 1968. They demanded self determination for the Kashmiris. The hostile and anti-India attitude of Sheikh Abdullah put India in an embarrassing situation.

General A.M. Yahya Khan who assumed the charge from President Ayub Khan on 25 March 1969 showed his willingness for sometime to establish a peaceful atmosphere between the two countries. Mrs. Indira Gandhi sent a personal letter to Mr. Khan on 22 June 1969 and suggested reviving the no-war pact proposal and a joint machinery to comprehensively examine all aspects of normalisation of relations. General Yahya Khan accepted the proposal with a provision that the machinery of Indo-Pakistani body should discuss all issues including Kashmir and the Farakka barrage. But after the exchange of letters between the two governments, no follow-up actions

XXI could be taken up by either of the governments. Instead president Yahya Khan banned all the exchange of printed materials between India and Pakistan, commercial, economic and cultural relations were completely cut off. The Tashkent agreement, though Mrs. Indira Gandhi wanted to implement it, but it went unsung and unheard. On 28 July 1970 President Yahya Khan again asked for an amicable solution for the Kashmir problem to establish cordial relations between both the countries.

1. Z.A. Bhutto advocated a quasi-military approach for the solution. Ashohar Khan recommended the Algeria-type struggle for Kashmir liberation. General Yahya Khan raised Kashmir's issue in the UN General Assembly in October 1970 and demanded 'self determination' and withdrawal of forces from the two countries. India rejected the proposal and said that the State's accession to India in 1949 was complete. However, India favoured bilateral talks under the Tashkent spirit. Mr. Z.A. Bhutto exploited the situation by raising war bogy against India. He formed the Pakistan People's Party on 1 December 1967. December 1970 polls in Pakistan brought conflict between East and West Pakistan, ultimately resulting in the creation of Bangladesh. India-Pakistan relations were further deteriorated when on 30 January 1971 an Indian Airlines plane was hijacked to Lahore with Pakistani connivance and was allowed to be blown up at the Lahore airport. Hijackers were granted asylum and were given hero's welcome there. India banned all Pak flights over the Indian territory. After the India-Pakistan war of 1971 both Mrs. Indira Gandhi and Mr. Z.A. Bhutto on 2 July 1972            concluded an agreement at Simla. It was promised to respect the line of control resulting from the cease-fire of December 17, 1971 in Jammu and Kashmir. They also decided to settle the Kashmir issue by mutual talks. President Zia-ul-Hag, Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, Rajiv Gandhi, V.P. Singh and Sheikh Abdullah came and went but Kashmir remained unsolved.

Documents on Kashmir Problem is an excellent attempt at an authentic and comprehensive compilation of published documents and other literature on the subject—Kashmir dispute. It

Presents the text of important documents including publications

Xxii of the Government of India and Pakistan, United Nations official documents, treatments, treaties, agreements, proposals, debates both in the UN Security Council, General Assembly and Parliamentary debates-reports and recommendations, letters, telegrammes etc. The publication would help the research scholars, academicians, educationists, politicians as well as curious laymen in understanding the issue. Compilers have made an honest attempt to be objective and impartial in compiling, editing, and presenting the documents to prove their authenticity; the sources of documents are also added.

We express our deep sense of indebtedness to the library staff of Indian Council of World Affairs Library, New Delhi, Nehru Memorial Museum Library, New Delhi, United Nations Information Centre, New Delhi, JawaharLal Nehru University Library, New Delhi, and Ministry of External Affairs Library, New Delhi for the help rendered to us during our visits there.