Dipanjan Roy Chaudhur 

With a bomb blast killing five in Afghanistan’s Taliban-controlled Baghlan province on January 26, not to mention terror attacks across the country over the past two years, India’s ongoing efforts to safeguard its interest in Afghanistan amid growing strength of Taliban is challenging. But it is not a lost cause as it’s being painted by certain quarters.

The Taliban, while being a reality in Afghanistan, does not represent either the entire Pashtun community nor can it represent minorities — Tajiks, Uzbeks and Hazaras — who are as much an integral part of the country as the majority Pashtuns. So, it would be prudent for any administration in Kabul to represent the interests of all the ethnic communities of Afghanistan. A pluralistic government that is not dictated from Pakistan, and one that is democratically elected without the barrel of a gun staring back, is the best antidote for Afghanistan’s current problems.

Since 1947, India does not share any borders with Afghanistan. Yet, there is still much goodwill for India among Afghans cross ethnic communities. India remains a destination of choice for medical tourism, higher education and trade for Afghans. The functioning of the Chabahar Port in southeastern Iran and the expansion of the India-Afghanistan air corridor have cemented the bilateral partnership and opened up new avenues of trade — matters that, unfortunately, get underplayed and overshadowed by frivolous jibes about the quantum of Indian aid in Afghanistan.

Speaking of which, US withdrawal from Afghanistan has been on the cards for some time now. US President Donald Trump is determined to ‘get troops back home’. Veteran Afghan hand Zalmay Khalilzad’s appointment as special representative for Afghanistan reconciliation at the US Department of State is a concrete step in Trump’s endeavor to quit the Afghan theatre by entering into a deal with the Taliban to safeguard certain strategic US interests.

However, to expect India to fill in US shoes by deploying Indian troops on the ground has never been — and isn’t —on the table. Stationing troops abroad without UN mandate does not figure in India’s foreign policy and strategic doctrine. Instead, India’s strengths in Afghanistan, as mentioned above, should be leveraged.

India’s focus should be on reviving and expanding regional partnerships to stabilise Afghanistan and support forces in the country that rely on ballots. Russia has a keen interest in Afghanistan for its own security considerations. While New Delhi and Moscow have indeed come closer on Afghanistan, it is imperative for both sides to develop a model of cooperation for the country.

India’s entry into the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), backed by Russia, gives India a larger platform in Afghanistan. The India-Central Asia and Afghan meet in Samarkand, Uzbekistan, earlier this month provided a new setting for India-Afghanistan ties.

Moscow is more than willing for a wider Indian role in Central Asia to balance China. Iran, too, has significant interests in Afghanistan and a certain degree of leverage. New Delhi and Tehran can also innovate a model of engagement in Afghanistan. Similarly, a growing partnership between India and Uzbekistan can create a model for partnership for the same purpose.

While Saudi Arabia and the UAE have not been Delhi’s partners in Afghanistan, given the current momentum in India’s ties with both Riyadh and Abu Dhabi, Afghan stability could be brought to the agenda of bilateral dialogues.

India can’t absolutely forgo any contact with the Taliban. It is uncertain if the latter is keen to test its popularity by participating in Afghan polls. But New Delhi’s focus is on strengthening democratic forces in Afghanistan. This policy must remain non-negotiable.

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The views expressed in the Article above are Author’s personal views and kashmiribhatta.in is not responsible for the opinions expressed in the above article.

Courtesy: Economic Times: 28th  Jan, 2019